Peru Changes Presidents Again: Why the Country Lives in a State of Political Transition

Peru has changed its president once again — and this is no longer an exception, but almost the country's political rhythm. On February 18, Congress swore in José María Balcázar following the removal of José Jerí, and until the general elections on April 12, the new head of state must not so much govern as keep the system from another collapse.

Formally, the story looks simple. José Jerí lost his post following a corruption scandal involving his undisclosed meetings with Chinese businessmen, and Congress elected Balcázar — an 83-year-old former judge and deputy from Perú Libre. His mandate is inherently short: to lead the country to the elections and then hand over power to the winner, who will take office on July 28. If no one receives more than 50% of the vote on April 12, a second round is scheduled for June 7.

But the main plot here runs deeper than a single resignation. In Peru, the president has long ceased to be a guaranteed stable figure. The country lives in a system where a weak executive center clashes with a very strong and fragmented Congress, and a vague constitutional formula regarding "permanent moral incapacity" has been used many times to remove presidents.

The International Commission of Jurists warned as far back as the 2020 crisis that such a broad interpretation undermines the separation of powers and makes the institution of the presidency itself vulnerable to political warfare. AP directly links the current succession of leadership changes to this very mechanism.

Therefore, the news of a new president is important not in itself, but as a symptom. Since 2021, according to AP, this Congress has already removed three presidents: Pedro Castillo, Dina Boluarte, and José Jerí. This means that Peruvian politics now functions not as a competition of programs, but as a constant struggle for elimination. The question arises: can a country plan reforms if the government itself lives in short intervals and almost always looks back at the next crisis?

Against this backdrop, Balcázar has almost no room for major politics. His task is to ensure a minimally calm transition, maintain macroeconomic stability, avoid disrupting the electoral process, and show that the state is still capable of acting predictably. This is especially important because even his transitional government quickly showed its fragility: in March, Prime Minister Denisse Miralles resigned even before the mandatory Congressional vote, doubting she would secure the necessary majority. And yet, there is one strong point in this story: despite the presidential musical chairs, Peru's economy remains relatively stable for now, and the elections are still perceived as a real chance for a restart, rather than a hollow formality.

That is why the change of president in Peru is not just another headline from Latin America right now. It is a test of the political endurance of an entire country.

If the April elections are conducted cleanly and lead to a more stable balance between the president and Congress, Peru will have a rare opportunity to exit emergency management mode. If not, the new president risks becoming just the next name on an overly long list of temporary leaders.